Comments
for the Record
United
States House of Representatives
Committee
on Ways and Means
Lowering Costs and Expanding Access to
Health Care through Consumer-Directed Health Plans
By
Michael G. Bindner
Center for Fiscal Equity
Chairman Roskam and Ranking Member Levin, thank you for the opportunity to
submit these comments for the record to the House Ways and Means Health
Subcommittee. They mirror our submission to the committee of May 17, 2016.
Proposals along the lines proposed have long been a part
of our standard package of health care reforms.
We have long advocated a conversion to catastrophic insurance with a
medical savings account to pay for appointments and drugs, although we have always
suggested a third element – a Medical Line of Credit to bridge the gap between
the current MSA balance at the catastrophic deductible. The MLC would also pay for services,
including acupuncture and reproductive health that may not be covered or
coverable under catastrophic insurance.
Under our standard tax reform proposal, catastrophic
policies would be purchased by all employers (and certain self-employed) as an
offset to the Net Business Receipts Tax/Subtraction VAT. The Net Business Receipts Tax (NBRT) includes
tax expenditures for family support,
health care and the private delivery of governmental services. It will
fund entitlement spending and replace income tax filing for most people
(including people who file without paying), the corporate income tax, business
tax filing through individual income taxes and the employer contribution to
OASI, all payroll taxes for hospital insurance, disability insurance,
unemployment insurance and survivors under age 60.
While this raises the tax rate, the lack of any tax
subsidy would doom private insurance and deny most families medical care. Likewise, the Health Savings Account would be
provided by employers, but would be a deduction rather than a credit. Medical Lines of Credit would be funded entirely
by employees with no tax advantage – as under our plan most employees would not
pay any income taxes.
Personal experience with cardiac care (luckily a
succession of false alarms) showed that, while this approach makes economic
sense, it does not jibe with how doctors operate. There is no price schedule in the waiting or
exam rooms to compare costs for proposed procedures or tests. Health care is
not a normal good. While it responds to
market pressures, some care cannot be limited by them.
I also came to the conclusion with the passage of health
care reform – and the electoral rejection of the health care reform above which
was not far from what Senator McCain proposed in his 2008 run (and which was
not even mentioned as the Republican alternative in the Obamacare debate) –
that Americans like their comprehensive insurance. Most importantly, while the Medical Line of
Credit is essential for complete health care, its inclusion essentially short
circuits any decision to shop for care.
If the McCain approach cannot pass, will the Affordable
Care Act survive the test of time (it has certainly survived all attempts to
repeal it)? Possibly. The key concept, that people in marginal jobs
deserve the same tax subsidies that corporate employees get is sound. Those parts that fulfill that need, which
originated in the Heritage Foundation (which even now clamors for repeal) are
also worthy.
What is less defensible are the higher non-wage income
taxes used to fund it, although no bill which just repeals these will survive a
Budget Act point of order in the Senate (regardless of House Rules) nor would
the political optics look good. Repeal
would hurt too many Americans, so expansion of the tax (along with a rate cut)
with some form of consumption or payroll tax– such as the one proposed by
Senator Sanders in his single payer plan (or by Mrs. Clinton during her
husband’s health care reform effort). In
our proposal, the consumption tax used would be the NBRT/Subtraction VAT.
The main danger to the Affordable Care Act is ease of
entry and exit. If it is too easy to get
in, then people will wait until they are sick to sign up. After they are well, any plan will stop
coverage if you stop sending in your monthly premium check. If enough people do that, rates go up and the
cycle goes down. This eventually leads
to a collapse in the system that can be fixed in one of two ways – give
everyone cheap and mandatory health care or place health insurers into
bankruptcy, like General Motors and Chrysler, and reorganize them into a
single-payer system (without any congressional action). Had the leadership laid out this scenario, it
might have stopped the Affordable Care Act – and insurance companies would have
most assuredly stopped contributions to the GOP.
The low-cost system with catastrophic care would operate
as above (and would hopefully include the Medical Lines of Credit). Single-payer care would be funded by the
NBRT/Subtraction VAT. Such a tax is
superior to the payroll tax proposed by Senator Sanders because it would hit
profit. The upper-income payroll taxes
for non-wage income would repealed and incorporated into the NBRT.
Under Single-Payer, we propose an additional option. Firms that provide direct health care, such
as automobile manufacturers, would not pay for third party coverage at
all. The cost of the coverage provided
would be an offset to the NBRT.
We believe that our current insurance system adds no
value to health care. Theoretically, insurance pools everyone’s costs and
divides them up with everyone paying a monthly share, regardless of the risk
they pose.
The profit motive has given us differential premiums
based on risk and age. Indeed, the age based premiums in the last attempted
health reform were so unaffordable to older Americans in individual plans that
the bill could not pass the Senate. Single payer plans, funded through the
NBRT, would not have this feature and insurance companies doing claim
processing for the government would be paid an adequate profit with little
risk.
Short of that, an NBRT subsidized Public Option would allow
sicker, poorer and older people to enroll for lower rates, allowing some
measure of exclusion to private insurers and therefore lower costs. Of course,
the profit motive will ultimately make the exclusion pool grow until private
insurance would no longer be justified, leading-again to Single Payer if the
race to cut customers leads to no one left in private insurance who is actually
sick.
The NBRT can provide an incentive for cost savings if we
allow employers to offer services privately to both employees and retirees in
exchange for a substantial tax benefit, either by providing insurance or hiring
health care workers directly and building their own facilities. Employers who
fund catastrophic care or operate nursing care facilities would get an even
higher benefit, with the proviso that any care so provided be superior to the
care available through Medicaid. Making employers responsible for most costs
and for all cost savings allows them to use some market power to get lower
rates, but no so much that the free market is destroyed.
This proposal is probably the most promising way to
arrest health care costs from their current upward spiral – as employers who
would be financially responsible for this care through taxes would have a real
incentive to limit spending in a way that individual taxpayers simply do not
have the means or incentive to exercise.
While not all employers would participate, those who do
would dramatically alter the market. In addition, a kind of beneficiary
exchange could be established so that participating employers might trade
credits for the funding of former employees who retired elsewhere, so that no
one must pay unduly for the medical costs of workers who spent the majority of
their careers in the service of other employers.
Thank you for the opportunity to address the committee.
We are, of course, available for direct testimony or to answer questions
by members and staff.
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